在過去半個世紀中，挾持了新聞界、教育界以及科技界等領域精英人士的雅各賓主義咄咄逼人，幾乎是無堅不摧，而對抗這種力量的保守主義則顯得力不從心，幾乎是節節敗退。
正是在這種背景下，特朗普和特朗普主義應運而生，扛起抵禦雅各賓主義進攻的大旗。儘管特朗普和特朗普主義未必能擊潰雅各賓主義，但至少有助於保守主義者重新集結力量，並思考如何最終戰勝雅各賓主義，挽救西方文明。
那曾經是柏克的夙願，他曾經憑藉一己之力在一定程度上遏制了雅各賓主義對英國的侵蝕，暫時保守住了英國的傳統和自由，如今，這個任務落在了所有柏克的追隨者身上。
即使特朗普只是個"一屆總統"，他對美國政治和社會的影響已經超出了很多人的想像。他在短短四年內大刀闊斧般地進行革新，從減稅和減少管制，到建牆和限制移民，再到任命三位大法官，以及重塑對外貿易、推動中東和平等，不僅履行了自己的競選承諾，而且讓美國恢復了活力和繁榮。
他的政治遺產就是"特朗普主義"，其基本內涵表現為反對行政國家，捍衛自治傳統；反對大政府，捍衛有限政府；反對經濟管制，捍衛資本主義；反對世界主義，捍衛國家認同；反對多元文化主義，捍衛猶太-基督教傳統。
在很大程度上講，特朗普主義意在回歸柏克開創的（古典）保守主義，是對當代美國新保守主義的矯正，有助於美國保守主義運動的再次復興。
美國當下的社會政治狀況讓很多人聯想到羅馬共和國，尤其是它開始衰敗並走向帝國的時候。在幾乎所有的史書中，那是一個世風日下的時代，那是一個民眾墮落的時代，那是一個獨裁者橫空出世的時代。
無論這個聯想是否有道理，無論美國的現狀能否跟羅馬共和國末期相提並論，馬基雅維利曾敏銳地發現，只要羅馬共和國的公民還沒有腐化墮落，他們通常就還能選出有德行的統治者―能力出眾且兢兢業業服務於共和國；一旦羅馬的公民變得腐化墮落了，他們就開始選擇那些能夠討好他們而非保障共和國安全的人；當羅馬的公民變得更加腐化墮落的時候，他們就不再選那些討好他們的人而是選那些權力令其恐懼的人了。55
在很大程度上講，這個看法與1831年訪問美國的托克維爾不謀而合。在托克維爾看來，與美國的自然條件和法律制度相比，美國的民情、美國人的心智習慣（habits of heart and mind）才是決定美國民主的最重要因素，它決定了美國是一個自由且自治的社會。
一旦美國的民情發生了變化，其共和國的根基便會動搖，再優良的憲法和法律制度也無法有效地發揮作用。
也就是說，在最終意義上講，美國的民情―美國人的宗教信仰、道德觀念、思維方式等，決定着美利堅合眾國的未來，決定着美國國父們締造的自由共和國還能否存續下去。
這一點兒，沒有人比托克維爾認識得更加深刻－更加清楚了。其天才般的洞見和智慧迄今值得每一個熱愛自由的人細細品味和認真思考。
本文刪節版曾以"特朗普主義助推古典保守主義回歸"為題發表於《探索與爭鳴》2021年第2期【總第376期】。
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