參與兩次投彈，在廣島作為飛行隊右翼機駕駛參與投下「小男孩(little boy)」、在長崎作為機長投下第二枚原子彈「胖男(fat man)」的美國空軍退役少將查爾斯·斯韋尼(Charles W.Sweeney)，於1995年5月11日在國會聽證上的發言及初稿，值得重溫。
「原子彈下無冤魂」則是當年的中文譯者給出的一個標題。
看看日本這個國家是怎麼脫胎換骨的，而之前的軍國主義日本有多瘋狂！
原文： http://www.archive.org/stream/smithsonianinsti00unit/smithsonianinsti00unit_djvu.txt
這裏簡單梳理一下當時的二戰歷史背景，截至1945年7月底，當時軍國主義的日本軍隊海面作戰力量基本被盟軍擊潰，盟軍對日本本土的登陸戰勢在必行。美國與英國、中國共同在1945年7月26日《波茨坦宣言》中要求日本武裝力量無條件投降，否則將遭到「迅速而徹底的毀滅」。
日本領導人（戰爭指導最高會議，也被稱為「六大」）公開宣稱他們要將戰鬥到底，私下裏向表面中立的蘇聯尋求調解。但實際上，蘇聯秘密準備襲擊滿洲和朝鮮的日本軍隊（還有南薩哈林島和千島群島），履行他們在德黑蘭和雅爾塔會議上對美國和英國作出的秘密承諾。
1945年8月6日，當地時間早上8點15分，美國在日本廣島市投放了一顆原子彈。16小時後，美國總統哈里·S·杜魯門再次要求日本投降，並警告他們「預計空中將有前所未見的毀滅性打擊。」1945年8月8日晚間，根據《雅爾塔協議》，但違反了《蘇日中立條約》，蘇聯向日本宣戰，並在1945年8月9日午夜不久後入侵了日本帝國傀儡國滿洲。數小時後，美國投放第二顆原子彈，這次是在日本長崎市。
在所有這些事件之後，天皇裕仁干預並命令戰爭指導最高會議接受盟軍在《波茨坦宣言》中所規定的結束戰爭的條款。在幾天的幕後談判和未遂政變後，裕仁天皇於1945年8月15日通過廣播向全國宣佈日本向盟軍投降。
二戰軍國主義日本帝國的投降，是由天皇裕仁通過廣播在1945年8月15日宣佈——那也是日本國民第一次聽到他們的「神」天皇的聲音——並於9月2日正式簽署。
1995年5月11日，查爾斯·W·斯威尼少將的證詞
中英對照翻譯初稿
謝謝主席，和委員會成員。我是美國空軍退役少將查爾斯.斯韋尼(Charles W.Sweeney)。我是唯一參加了兩次原子彈轟炸的飛行員，在對廣島的轟炸中擔任駕駛員蒂貝茨上校右翼器材機駕駛，3天後的1945年8月9日，在對長崎的轟炸中任帶隊指揮員。6天之後，日本軍國主義投降，第二次世界大戰結束。
I am Maj. Gen. Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, Retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the right wing of General Paul Tibbets on the Hiroshima mission and3 days later, on August9,1945, commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.
一個國家的靈魂，其本質就是它的歷史。這是定義每一代人對自己和自己的國家怎麼看、怎麼信仰的集體記憶。
在我們這樣一個自由社會，關於我們是誰、我們代表什麼的辯論一直在進行。這種開放的辯論實際上對我們的自由至關重要。但為了進行這樣的辯論，我們作為一個社會必須有勇氣考慮所有可獲得的事實。我們必須有勇氣站出來，要求在得出任何結論之前，那些毋庸置疑的事實都被接受為辯論的一部分。
The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country.
In a free society, such as ours, there is always an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for. This open debate is in fact essential to our freedom. But to have such a debate we as a society must have the courage to consider all of the facts available to us. We must have the courage to stand up and demand that before any conclusions are reached, those facts which are beyond question are accepted as part of the debate.
原子彈轟炸廣島長崎50周年臨近的時刻，現在是個合適的時間思考亨利·杜魯門總統下令執行該計劃的理由。我們也許在結論上有爭議，但是至少該對基本的事實做出誠實的認同，那些杜魯門總統在做出艱難而重大的決定時必須深思熟慮的事實。
As the50th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki missions approaches, now is an appropriate time to consider the reasons for Harry Truman’s order that these missions be flown. We may disagree on the conclusion, but let us at least be honest enough to agree on basic facts of the time, the facts that President Truman had to consider in making a difficult and momentous decision.
作為唯一一位參與過這兩次任務、並指揮了長崎任務的飛行員，我在這場辯論中帶來了我自己的親眼目睹時代的經歷。我要強調指出，我所陳述的都是無可爭辯的事實，並且充分知道一些意見領袖可能會輕率地無視這些明顯的事實，因為這些事實與他們頭腦中的偏見和他們努力強加給這些任務的意義不符。
今晚，我想以一個親歷歷史的人的身份，提供我的想法、觀察和結論，我相信杜魯門總統做出的對日本使用原子彈的決定不僅符合當時的情況，而且具有壓倒其它可能選擇的道義上的必要性。
As the only pilot to have flown both missions, and having commanded the Nagasaki mission, I bring to this debate my own eyewitness account of the times. I underscore what I believe are irrefutable facts, with full knowledge that some opinion makers may cavalierly dismiss them because they are so obvious— be- cause they interfere with their preconceived version of the truth, and the meaning which they strive to impose on the missions.
This evening, I want to offer my thoughts, observations, and conclusions as someone who lived this history, and who believes that President Truman’s decision was not only justified by the circumstances of his time, but was a moral imperative that precluded any other option.
就像我這代人的絕大多數一樣，我最不希望發生的就是戰爭。我們不是一個窮兵黷武的騎士民族。我們並非執着於榮耀。沒有戰士階級，沒有武士，也沒有所謂的主人種族。
這在今天如此，在50年前也是如此。
Like the overwhelming majority of my generation the last thing I wanted was a war. We as a nation are not warriors. We are not hell-bent on glory. There is no warrior class— no Samurai— no master race.
This is true today, and it was true50 years ago.
在我們的國家正在經歷嚴重的大蕭條時期，日本卻開始征服它的鄰國——「大東亞共榮圈」。看起來，法西斯主義總是尋求一些無害的口號來掩蓋最可怕的計劃。
這個「共榮圈」是通過對中國和滿洲進行全面和無情的戰爭來實現的。作為一個國家，日本幻想自己命中注定要統治亞洲，從而佔有其自然資源和開拓土地。日本軍隊毫不猶豫地屠殺無辜的男人、女人和兒童。在臭名昭著的南京大屠殺中，高達30萬名無武裝平民被殘忍屠殺。這些都是犯罪行為。
這些都是事實。
While our country was struggling through the great depression, the Japanese were embarking on the conquest of its neighbors— the Greater East Asia Co-Pros-perity Sphere. It seems fascism always seeks some innocuous slogan to cover the most hideous plans.
This Co-Prosperity was achieved by waging total and merciless war against China and Manchuria. The Japanese, as a nation, saw itself as destined to rule Asia and thereby possess its natural resources and open lands. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation, the Japanese Army slaughtered innocent men, women and children. In the infamous Rape of Nanking up to300,000 unarmed civilians were butchered. These were criminal acts.
THESE ARE FACTS.
為了在亞洲實現其「共榮」的命運，日本認為美國是阻止其實現在亞洲的「神授」命運的唯一障礙，於是對駐紮珍珠港的太平洋艦隊進行了精心策劃的偷襲。在一個星期日的早晨發動襲擊，旨在通過造成最大的艦船和人員損失來對美國海軍進行致命打擊。
仍然有1700名海軍士兵的生命湮滅於仍然沉睡在珍珠港灣底的亞利桑那號戰列艦里，其中的許多士兵甚至不清楚為什麼受到突然襲擊就已死去。戰爭就是這樣強加給我們的。
科雷希多爾的淪陷以及隨之而來的對盟軍戰俘的待遇，消除了對日本軍隊即使在戰爭背景下比較仍然是極其非人道行為的任何疑慮。巴丹死亡行軍也是最恐怖的事實。日本軍方認為投降是對自己、家人、國家和信仰的恥辱，因此他們毫不留情。7000名美軍和菲律賓戰俘慘遭毆打、槍殺、被刺刀捅死，或慘死於疾病和飢餓。
這些都是事實。
In order to fulfill its divine destiny in Asia, Japan determined that the only real impediment to this goal was the United States. It launched a carefully conceived sneak attack on our Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. Timed for a Sunday morning it was intended to deal a death blow to the fleet by inflicting the maximum loss of ships and human life.
1,700 sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many if not all, died without ever knowing why. Thus was the war thrust upon us.
The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumaneness of the Japanese Army, even in the context of war. The Bataan Death March was horror in its fullest dimension. The Japanese considered surrender to be dishonorable to oneself, one’s family, one’s country and one’s god. They showed no mercy. Seven thousand American and Filipino POW’s were beaten, shot, bayonetted or left to die of disease or exhaustion.
THESE ARE FACTS.
隨着美國在廣闊的太平洋向日本緩慢、艱苦、一步一流血地進軍，日本在最大的程度上顯示出它是一台冷酷無情、殘暴無人性的殺人機器。無論戰事是多麼令人絕望，無論機會是多麼渺茫，無論結果是多麼確定，日本人都戰至最後一人。為了取得儘可能大的光榮，日軍全力以赴去殺死儘可能多的美國人。
美軍開進得距日本本土越近，日本人的行為就變得越瘋狂。
塞班島美軍陣亡3100人，其中在最早幾小時就死了1500人。
硫黃島美軍陣亡6700人，傷25000人。
沖繩島美軍陣亡12500人，傷35000人。
這更是被簡單的白色墓碑反饋的沉重的事實。
As the United States made its slow, arduous, and costly march across the vast expanse of the Pacific, the Japanese proved to be a ruthless and intractable killing machine. No matter how futile, no matter how hopeless the odds, no matter how certain the outcome, the Japanese fought to the death. And to achieve a greater glory, they strove to kill as many Americans as possible.
The closer the United States came to the Japanese mainland, the more fanatical their actions became.
Saipan—3,100 Americans killed,1,500 in the first few hours of the invasion
Iwo Jima—6,700 Americans killed,25,000 wounded
Okinawa—12,500 Americans killed, total casualties,35,000
These are facts reported by simple white grave markers.
卡米卡茲，即「神風敢死隊」，駕駛裝載炸彈的飛機撞擊美國軍艦。隊員認為這是天上人間至高的光榮，是向神之境界的升華。在沖繩海域，神風敢死隊的自殺性攻擊要了5000名美國海軍軍人的命。
日本用言語和行動表明，只要第一個美國人踏上日本本土，他們就處決所有的盟軍戰俘。日本為大屠殺做了準備，強迫盟軍戰俘為自己挖掘墳墓。即使在投降後，他們仍然處決了一些戰俘。
這些都是事實。
Kamikazes. The literal translation is DIVINE WIND. To willingly dive a plane loaded with bombs into an American ship was a glorious transformation to godliness— there was no higher honor on heaven or earth. The suicidal assaults of the Kamikazes took5,000 American Navy men to their deaths.
The Japanese vowed that, with the first American to step foot on the mainland, they would execute every Allied prisoner. In preparation they forced the POW’s to dig their own graves in the event of mass executions. Even after their surrender, they executed some American POW’s.
THESE ARE FACTS.
《波茨坦公告》要求日本無條件投降。日本人認為這是荒唐可笑而不屑考慮的。我們從截獲的密碼得知，日本打算拖延時間，爭取以可接受的條件來談判投降。
在8月6日之前的幾個月里，美國飛機開始轟炸日本本土。一個個日本城市化為火海，成千上萬的日本人死去。但日軍發誓決不投降。他們準備犧牲自己的人民，以換取他們所理解的光榮和榮譽——不管死多少人。
他們拒絕救助平民，儘管我們的飛行員事先已就可能來臨的空襲投撒了傳單。在一次為期10天的轟炸行動中，東京、名古屋、神戶、大阪的許多地方化為灰燼。
這些是事實。
The Potsdam Declaration had called for unconditional surrender of the Japanese Armed Forces. The Japanese termed it ridiculous and not worthy of consideration. We know from our intercepts of their coded messages, that they wanted to stall for time to force a negotiated surrender on terms acceptable to them.
For months prior to August6, American aircraft began dropping fire bombs upon the Japanese mainland. The wind created by the firestorm from the bombs incinerated whole cities. Hundreds of thousands of Japanese died. Still the Japanese military vowed never to surrender. They were prepared to sacrifice their own people to achieve their visions of glory and honor— no matter how many more people died.
They refused to evacuate civilians even though our pilots dropped leaflets warning of the possible bombings. In one3-day period,34 square miles of Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe and Osaka were reduced to rubble.
THESE ARE FACTS.
即使在用原子彈轟炸了廣島之後，東條英機及其繼任者鈴木賢治和日本軍部仍然認為美國只有一枚炸彈，日本可以繼續堅持。在8月6日之後，他們有3天的時間用於投降，但他們不。內閣為此發生激烈混亂的辯論。
只有在長崎受到原子轟炸後，日本天皇才最後宣佈投降。
即使在這種情況下，軍方仍聲稱他們可以而且應該繼續戰鬥。一個陸軍軍官團體發起叛亂，試圖截獲並銷毀天皇向日本人宣佈投降的詔書。
這些是事實。
And even after the bombing of Hiroshima, Tojo, his successor Suzuki, and the military clique in control believed the United States had but one bomb, and that Japan could go on. They had3 days to surrender after August6, but they did not surrender. The debate in their cabinet at times became violent.
Only after the Nagasaki drop did the Emperor finally demand surrender.
And even then, the military argued they could and should fight on. A group of Army officers staged a coup and tried to seize and destroy the Emperor’s recorded message to his people announcing the surrender.
THESE ARE FACTS.
這些事實有助於說明我們所面臨的敵人的本質，有助於認清杜魯門總統在進行各種選擇時所要考慮的背景，有助於理解為什麼對日本進行原子轟炸是必要的。像每一個男女軍人一樣，杜魯門總統理解這些事實。傷亡不是某種抽象的統計數字，而是慘痛的事實。
原子彈是否結束了戰爭？
是的。
它們是必須的嗎？
對此存在爭議。
These facts help illuminate the nature of the enemy we faced. They help put into context the process by which Truman considered the options available to him. And they help to add meaning to why the missions were necessary.
President Truman understood these facts as did every service man and woman.
Casualties were not some abstraction, but a sobering reality.
Did the atomic missions end the war? Yes... they... did.
Were they necessary? Well that’s where the rub comes.
50年過去了，在某些人看來，「日本成為受害者，美軍成為兇殘成性的征服者和報復者；原子彈的使用是核時代的不正義、不道德的起點」。自然，為了支撐這種歪曲，他們必然要故意無視事實或者編造新的材料以證明這種論調。其中最令人吃驚的行徑之一，就是否認日軍曾進行過大屠殺。
事情怎麼會弄成這個樣子呢？
答案也許會從最近發生的一些事情中找到。
With the fog of50 years drifting over the memory of our country, to some, the Japanese are now the victims. America was the insatiable, vindictive aggressor seeking revenge and conquest. Our use of these weapons was the unjustified and immoral starting point for the nuclear age with all of its horrors. Of course, to support such distortion, one must conveniently ignore the real facts or fabricate new realities to fit the theories. It is no less egregious than those who today deny the Holocaust occurred.
How could this have happened?
The answer may lie in examining some recent events.
當前關於杜魯門總統為什麼要下達對日本進行原子彈轟炸的命令的爭論，在某些情況下已演變成數字遊戲。日本財團在美國策劃的「原子彈轟炸後果」展覽顯示了卑鄙的修正主義論調，這種論調在史學界引起軒然大波。
「原子轟炸後果」展覽傳遞出這樣的信息——「（軍國主義）日本是無辜的受害者，美國是罪惡的侵略者」。想像一下如果你的孩子去看展覽，他們會留下什麼樣的印象？
他們還會知道事實的真相嗎？
他們會認為他們的國家代表着什麼？
而所有這一切都將發生在一個本應代表對重要美國文物公正保護的美國機構。
（在試圖理解史密森尼學會為何這樣做時）我沒有從該機構取消提議展覽只是展示「埃諾拉蓋」號所給出的理由中，得到合理解釋。
The current debate about why President Truman ordered these missions, in some cases, has devolved to a numbers game. The Smithsonian in its proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay revealed the creeping revisionism which seems the rage in certain historical circles.
That exhibit wanted to memorialize the fiction that the Japanese were the victims— we the evil aggressor. Imagine taking your children and grandchildren to this exhibit.
What message would they have left with?
What truth would they retain?
What would they think their country stood for?
And all of this would have occurred in an American institution whose very name and charter are supposed to stand for the impartial preservation of significant American artifacts.
By cancelling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the Enola Gay, has truth won out?
Maybe not.
在一個全國性的電視辯論中，我聽到這樣一位所謂的傑出歷史學家聲稱，原子彈是沒有必要的，杜魯門總統是想用原子彈嚇唬俄國人，日本本來已經打算投降了。
日本準備投降了？從哪裏看得出來？
還有些人提出，艾森豪威爾將軍曾說過，日本已準備投降，沒有必要使用原子彈。然而，基於同樣的判斷，艾森豪威爾曾嚴重低估了德國繼續戰鬥的意志，在1944年就下結論說德國已無力進行攻勢作戰。
這是一個災難性的錯誤判斷，其結果即是「突出部戰役」的失敗。是役中數萬盟軍毫無必要地犧牲了，盟國面臨着允許德國拖延戰爭和有條件投降的風險。一個相當公正的結論是，根據太平洋戰爭的情況，可以合理地預期日本將是比德國更瘋狂的敵人。
In one nationally televised discussion, I heard a so-called prominent historian argue that the bombs were not necessary. That President Truman was intent on intimidating the Russians. That the Japanese were ready to surrender.
The Japanese were ready to surrender? Based on what?
Some point to statements by General Eisenhower years after the war that Japan was about to fall. Well, based on that same outlook Eisenhower seriously under- estimated Germany’s will to fight on and concluded in December,1944 that Germany no longer had the capability to wage offensive war.
That was a tragic miscalculation. The result was the Battle of the Bulge, which resulted in tens of thousands of needless Allied casualties and potentially allowed Germany to prolong the war and force negotiations.
Thus the assessment that Japan was vanquished may have the benefit of hindsight rather than foresight.
It is certainly fair to conclude that the Japanese could have been reasonably expected to be even more fanatical than the Germans based on the history of the war in the Pacific.
最後，有一種理論認為，如果盟軍進攻日本本土，我們的傷亡不是100萬，而是只要死上46000人就夠了。
只不過是46000！你能夠想像這種論調的冷酷嗎？僅46000人！好像這些是無關緊要的美國人的生命。
也許這些所謂的歷史學家只是想要賣書。
也許他們真的相信這一點。或者可能是因為我們贏得了戰爭而產生的一種自我厭惡。
無論原因如何，這種論點都是錯誤的。它在意識形態上剖析和重新計算事件，捕捉有選擇性的細節。
And, finally, a present-day theory making the rounds espouses that even if an invasion had taken place, our casualties would not have been a million, as many believed, but realistically only46,000 dead.
ONLY46,000!
Can you imagine the callousness of this line of argument? ONLY46,000— as if this were some insignificant number of American lives.
Perhaps these so-called historians want to sell books.
Perhaps they really believe it. Or perhaps it reflects some self-loathing occasioned by the fact that we won the war.
Whatever the reason, the argument is flawed. It dissects and recalculates events ideologically, grasping at selective straws.
在此時此刻，我要承認，我不清楚在對日本本土的部隊進攻中美軍將會傷亡多少人，也沒有任何人知道。
根據對日本戰時行為的判斷，我的確認為，一個公正合理的假設是，對日本本土的進攻將是漫長而代價高昂的。根據我們所知道的情況而不是根據某些人無端的臆想，日本不打算無條件投降。
Let me admit right here, today, that I don’t know how many more Americans would have died in an invasion— AND NEITHER DOES ANYONE ELSE!
What I do know is that based on the Japanese conduct during the war, it is fair and reasonable to assume that an invasion of the mainland would have been a prolonged and bloody affair. Based on what we know— not what someone surmises— the Japanese were not about to unconditionally surrender.
在對硫磺島這樣一個太平洋中8平方英里的島礁的進攻中，6700名海軍陸戰隊官兵犧牲，傷亡總數達30000人。
對那些認為我們的損失僅是46000人的人，我要問：是哪46000人？
誰的父親？
誰的兄弟？
誰的丈夫？
In taking Iwo Jima, a tiny8 square mile lump of rock in the ocean,6,700 marines died— total casualties over30,000.
But even assuming that those who now KNOW our casualties would have been
ONLY46.000 I ask
Which46,000 were to die?
Whose father?
Whose brother?
Whose husband?
是的，我只注意到了美國人的生命。但是，日本的命運掌握在日本人的手中，而不是美國。數以萬計的美軍部隊焦急地在大洋中等待着進攻。他們的命運取決於日本下一步怎麼走。日本可以選擇在任何時刻投降，但他們選擇了拖延。
而就是日本「無所作為」的時候，隨着戰事的進行，美軍每天傷亡900多人。
And, yes, I am focusing on American lives.
The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not. Hundreds of thousands of American troops anxiously waited at staging areas in the Pacific dreading the coming invasion, their fate resting on what the Japanese would do next. The Japanese could have ended it at any time. They chose to wait.
And while the Japanese stalled, an average of900 more Americans were killed or wounded each day the war continued.
我曾聽到另一種說法，稱我們應該與日本談判，達成一個日本可以接受的有條件投降。我從來沒聽任何人提出過與法西斯德國談判投降。這是一個瘋狂的念頭，任何有理性的人都不會說出這樣的話。與這樣一個邪惡的法西斯魔鬼談判，就是承認其合法性，即使是已經在事實上打敗了它。這並不是那個時代空洞的哲學上的原則，而是人類的正義要求，必須徹底、乾淨地剷除法西斯惡魔的勢力，必須粉碎這些邪惡的力量。法西斯的領導者已經無情地打碎了外交的信譽。
為什麼太平洋戰爭的歷史這麼容易就被遺忘了呢？
I』ve heard another line of argument that we should have accepted a negotiated peace with the Japanese on terms they would have found acceptable. I have never heard anyone suggest that we should have negotiated a peace with Nazi Germany. Such an idea is so outrageous, that no rational human being would utter the words. To negotiate with such evil fascism was to allow it even in defeat a measure of legitimacy. This is not just some empty philosophical principal of the time— it was essential that these forces of evil be clearly and irrevocably defeated— their demise unequivocal. Their leadership had forfeited any expectation of diplomatic niceties. How is it, then, that the history of the war in the Pacific can be so soon forgotten?
也許原因就存在於目前正在進行着的對歷史的歪曲，對我們集體記憶的歪曲。在戰敗50年後，日本領導人輕率地聲稱他們是受害者，廣島、長崎與（南京）大屠殺在實質上是一回事！
而且，不管你是否相信，實際上還有一些美國學者支持這種類比，從而幫助和安慰了日本人長達50年的試圖重新書寫他們自己的歷史，同時也影響了我們的歷史。
整整一代日本人不知道他們的國家在第二次世界大戰中都幹了些什麼。
The reason may lie in the advancing erosion of our history, of our collective memory.
Fifty years after their defeat, Japanese officials have the temerity to claim they were the victims. That Hiroshima and Nagasaki were the equivalent of the Holocaust.
And, believe it or not, there are actually some American academics who sup- port this analogy, thus aiding and giving comfort to a50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history, and ours in the process.
There is an entire generation of Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country’s conduct during World war II.
這可以解釋為什麼他們不理解日本為什麼要道歉。
對於韓國慰安婦，
對於對戰俘進行的醫學實驗，與納粹進行的恐怖實驗相當，
對於計劃在美國西海岸對平民使用生化武器，
對於有計劃的屠殺平民，
以及其他許多事情。
相反，我們忘記了自己的歷史，助長了日本的失憶症，損害了我們兩國的利益。
與德國認罪的姿態不同，日本堅持認為它沒幹任何錯事，它的行為是受當時局勢的拖累。這種態度粉碎了任何真正彌合創傷的希望。
只有不忘過去才能帶來真正的原諒，而遺忘就可能冒重複歷史的危險。
This explains why they do not comprehend why they must apologize—
for the Korean comfort women,
for the Medical experimentation on POW’s which match the horror of those conducted by the Nazi’s,
for the plans to use biological weapons against the United States by infecting civilian populations on the West Coast,
for the methodical slaughter of civilians,
and for much more.
In a perverse inversion, by forgetting our own history, we contribute to the Japanese amnesia, to the detriment of both our nations.
Unlike the Germans who acknowledged their guilt, the Japanese persist in the fiction that they did nothing wrong, that they were trapped by circumstances. This only forecloses any genuine prospect that the deep wounds suffered by both nations can be closed and healed.
One can only forgive by remembering. And to forget, is to risk repeating history.
通過精心策劃的政治公關活動，日本現在建議使用「太平洋勝利日」（VP Day）來取代「對日本勝利日」（VJ Day）這一術語。他們說，這一術語將會使太平洋戰爭的結束顯得不那麼特別與日本有關。
《華爾街日報》於4月5日發表的多蘿西·拉比諾維茨撰寫的專欄準確地總結了這種憤怒原因在於一些日本人認為這個稱謂令人不安-我們可以理解為什麼。尤其是「J」這部分，確實會讓世界想起誰在1945年8月慶祝勝利。為了進一步顧及日本人的敏感性，一名未願透露身份的美國官員還宣佈，關於計劃中的紀念儀式，「我們的整個努力是紀念一個事件，而不是慶祝勝利。」
有些人可能會提出，這些文字能說明什麼呢？對日本勝利，太平洋的勝利，讓我們慶祝一個事件，而不是一個勝利。
The Japanese in a well-orchestrated political and public relations campaign have now proposed that the use of the term「V-J Day」 be replaced by the more benign「Victory in the Pacific Day」. How convenient.
This they claim will make the commemoration of the end of the war in the Pacific less「Japan specific.」
An op-ed piece written by Dorothy Rabinowitz appearing in the April5 Wall Street Journal accurately sums up this outrage:
The reason it appears, is that some Japanese find the reference disturbing— and one can see why. The term, especially the「J」 part, does serve to remind the world of the identity of the nation whose defeat millions celebrated in August1945. In further deference to Japanese sensitivities, a U.S. official(who wisely chose to remain unidentified) also announced, with reference to the planned ceremonies, that「our whole effort in this thing is to commemorate an event, not celebrate a victory.」
Some might argue so what’s in a word— Victory over Japan, Victory in the Pacific— Let’s celebrate an event, not a victory.
我要說，話語就是一切。
請慶祝一個事件！類似於慶祝一個商場開業典禮，而不是歡慶戰爭的勝利。這將分裂整個地球。數以千萬計的死者、數以千萬計受到身心傷害的人和更多的人將會不知所措。
這種對語言的攻擊是奧威爾指出的那樣，顛倒歷史、混淆是非的工具。文字或話語可以像任何一種武器一樣具有毀滅性：
上即下
奴役即自由
侵略即和平！
I say everything is in a word. Celebrate an EVENT!
Kind of like celebrating the opening of a shopping mall rather than the end of a war that engulfed the entire Earth— which left countless millions dead and countless millions more physically or mentally wounded and countless more millions displaced.
This assault on the use of language is Orwellian and is the tool by which history and memory are blurred. Words can be just as destructive as any weapon.
Up is Down.
Slavery is Freedom.
Aggression is Peace.
在某種程度上，通過抹除精確的描述文字而對我們語言所展開的攻擊，要比50年前日本對我們進行的真正的侵略更具有危害性，至少在真正的侵略中，敵人是清楚的，威脅是清楚的。
今天日本人巧妙地打起種族主義這張牌，以此來宣示其行為的正義性：日本不是進行罪惡的侵略，而只是從白人帝國主義中解放受壓迫的亞洲大眾。
「解放」！是的，他們用屠殺「解放」了2000萬無辜的亞洲人。我堅信，這2000萬無辜的人，他們的家人，他們的後代，永遠也不會欣賞日本「崇高」的行為。
In some ways this assault on our language and history by the elimination of accurate and descriptive words is far more insidious than the actual aggression carried out by the Japanese50 years ago. At least then the threat was clear, the enemy well defined.
Today the Japanese justify their conduct by artfully playing the race card. They were not engaged in a criminal enterprise of aggression. No, Japan was simply liberating the oppressed masses of Asia from WHITE Imperialism.
Liberation!!! Yes, they liberated over20 million innocent Asians by killing them. I’m sure those20 million, their families and the generations never to be, appreciate the noble effort of the Japanese.
經常有人問我，用原子彈轟炸日本是否是出於報復，是否是蓄意毀滅一個古老而令人尊敬的文明。對此有如下事實：
一，在最初的轟炸目標清單上包括京都。雖然京都也是一個合法的目標，在先前的空襲中未曾做過轟炸，陸軍部長史汀生把它從目標清單中去掉了，因為京都是日本的古都，也是日本的文化宗教中心。
二，在戰時我們受到嚴格約束，在任何情況下不得轟炸東京的皇宮，儘管我們很容易識別皇宮並炸死天皇。畢竟我們不是為了報復。我經常想，如果日本有機會轟炸白宮，是否也會像美國這樣克制。我認為日本不會。
I am often asked was the bomb dropped for vengeance, as was suggested by one draft of the Smithsonian exhibit. That we sought to destroy an ancient and honorable culture.
Here are some more inconvenient facts.
One, on the original target list for the atomic missions Kyoto was included.
Although this would have been a legitimate target, one that had not been bombed previously. Secretary of State Henry Stimson removed it from the list because it was the ancient capital of Japan and was also the religious center of Japanese culture.
Two, we were under strict orders during the war that under no circumstances were we to ever bomb the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, even though we could have easily leveled it and possibly killed the Emperor. So much for vengeance.
I often wonder if Japan would have shown such restraint if they had the opportunity to bomb the White House. I think not.
在此讓我澄清一個事實，糾正一個長期以來的偏見，那就是我們故意選擇人口密集的城市轟炸。我們要轟炸的每一個目標城市都有重要的軍事價值。廣島是日軍南方司令部所在地，並集結了實力可觀的防禦部隊。長崎是工業中心，有兩個重要的兵工廠。在這兩個城市，日本都把兵工廠和部隊配置於市區中心。
At this point let me dispel one of many longstanding myths that our targets were intended to be civilian populations. Each target for the missions had significant military importance— Hiroshima was the headquarters for the southern command responsible for the defense of Honshu in the event of an invasion and it garrisoned seasoned troops who would mount the initial defense.
Nagasaki was an industrial center with the two large Mitsubishi armaments factories. In both Hiroshima and Nagasaki the Japanese had integrated these industries and troops right in the heart of each city.
像在任何一場戰爭中一樣，我們的目標，理所當然的目標，就是勝利。這是一個不可動搖的目標。
我不想否認雙方死了許多人，我不為戰爭的殘酷而驕傲或歡樂，我不希望我國或敵國的人民受難。
每個生命都是寶貴的。
但我的確認為這樣一個問題應該去問日本戰犯，是他們以日本人民為代價追求自身的輝煌。他們發動了戰爭，並拒絕停止戰爭。難道他們不應為所有的苦難、為日本的災難負最終的責任嗎？
As in any war our goal was, as it should be, to win. The stakes were too high to equivocate.
I am often asked if I ever think of the Japanese who died at Hiroshima and Nagasaki?
I do not revel in the idea that so many on both sides died, not only at those two places but around the world in that horrible conflict. I take no pride or pleasure in the brutality of war whether suffered by my people or those of another nation.
Every life is precious.
But it does seem to me such a question is more appropriately directed to the
Japanese war lords who so willingly offered up their people to achieve their visions of greatness. They who started the war and then stubbornly refused to stop it must be called to account. Don’t they have the ultimate responsibility for all the deaths of their countrymen?
也許如果日本人真切地了解過去，認清他們國家在戰爭中的責任，他們將會看到日本戰犯才應負起戰爭的罪責。日本人民應該給遠東人民一個答覆，是誰把災難強加給遠東各國，最後強加給日本自己。當然如果我們與日本人一道抹煞歷史的真相，那麼這一點是永遠也做不到的。
若日本不追尋並接受真相，日本怎能安心自處，與亞洲鄰國、與美國相處？
我和部屬在執行原子轟炸任務時堅信，我們將結束戰爭。我們並沒有感到高興。而是一種責任感和使命感，且我們想回到自己的家人身邊。
Perhaps if the Japanese came to grips with their past and their true part in the war they would hold those Japanese military leaders accountable. The Japanese people deserve an answer from those that brought such misery to the nations of the Far East and ultimately to their own people. Of course this can never happen if we collaborate with the Japanese in wiping away the truth.
How can Japan ever reconcile with itself and the United States if they do not demand and accept the truth?
My crew and I flew these missions with the belief that they would bring the war to an end. There was no sense of joy. There was a sense of duty and commitment that we wanted to get back to our families and loved ones.
今天，美國和東南亞數百萬人活到現在，恰恰因為戰爭結束了。
今天，我站在這裏作證，並不是慶祝原子彈的使用，而是相反。
我希望我的使命是最後一次。
我們作為一個國家應該對原子彈的存在感到恐懼。
我就感到恐懼。
但這並不意味着回到1945年8月，在戰時情況下，在敵人頑固兇殘的條件下，杜魯門總統沒有義務使用所有可能的武器結束戰爭。我同意杜魯門總統的決定，當時以及現在。戰後幾年中，有人問杜魯門總統是否還有其它選擇，他響亮地說：沒有。接着他提醒提問者：記住，珍珠港的死難者也沒有其它選擇！
Today millions of people in America and in Southeast Asia are alive because the war ended when it did.
I do not stand here celebrating the use of nuclear weapons. Quite the contrary.
I hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown.
We as a nation can abhor the existence of nuclear weapons.
I certainly do.
But that does not then mean that, back in August of1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy. President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.
I agreed with Harry Truman then, and I still do today.
Years after the war Truman was asked if he had any second thoughts. He said emphatically,「No.」 He then asked the questioner to remember the men who died at Pearl Harbor who did not have the benefit of second thoughts.
戰爭總是代價高昂的，正如羅伯特·李將軍所說：「戰爭如此殘酷是件好事，否則就會有人喜歡它。」感謝上帝使我們擁有原子武器，而不是日本和德國。科學有其自身的邏輯，遲早會有人設計出原子彈。科學不能被否定。關於製造原子彈是否明智的問題，終將被原子彈已被製造出來這一事實所壓倒。
蘇聯肯定會繼續發展自己的原子彈。我們不要忘記，約瑟夫·斯大林和東條英機或他的前盟友阿道夫·希特拉一樣邪惡。據最近的統計，斯大林對至少兩千萬本國公民進行了種族滅絕。
In war the stakes are high. As Robert E. Lee said,「it is good that war is so horrible, or we might grow to like it.」
I thank God that it was we who had this weapon and not the Japanese or the Germans. The science was there. Eventually someone would have developed this weapon. Science can never be denied. It finds a way to self-fulfillment.
The question of whether it was wise to develop such a weapon would have eventually been overcome by the fact that it could be done. The Soviets would have certainly proceeded to develop their own bomb. Let us not forget that Joseph Stalin was no less evil than Tojo or his former ally Adolf Hitler. At last count, Stalin committed genocide on at least20 million of his own citizens.
由於德國和日本法西斯被擊敗，世界變得更好了。日本和美國的年輕人不再相互殺戮，而是生長、成家立業，在和平中生活。作為10個孩子的父親和21個孩子的祖父，我可以表明，我很高興戰爭這樣結束。
The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer the world.
Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory.
The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old.
As the father of ten children and the grandfather of21, I can state that I am certainly grateful that the war ended when it did.
我不能代表所有二戰老兵發表言論，但我相信我為國家在那場偉大的戰爭中服役的自豪感是所有老兵所共有的。這就是為什麼有關那場戰爭的真相必須得到保存的原因。我們老兵並非膽怯之人，我們對於理智而有爭議的辯論不會感到狼狽。我們可以應對自如。
但是，我們不能允許坐在安逸的位子上的人來隱藏事實，為我們框定辯論。我們不能容忍任何人遁走事實，使美國公眾和世界蒙在鼓裏。
我對美國人民的良知和公正心抱有極大信心，他們會考慮所有事實，做出明智的判斷來評估戰爭的結束。
這是一場重要的辯論。尤其在我們國家的靈魂、本質和歷史都懸而未決的這個時刻。
I do not speak for all veterans of that war. But I believe that my sense of pride in having served my country in that great conflict is shared by all veterans. This is why the truth about that war must be preserved. We veterans are not shrinking violets. Our sensibilities will not be shattered in intelligent and controversial debate. We can handle ourselves.
But we will not, we cannot allow armchair second guessers to frame the debate by hiding facts from the American public and the world.
I have great faith in the good sense and fairness of the American people to consider all of the facts and make an informed judgment about the war’s end.
This is an important debate. The soul of our nation, its essence, its history, is at stake.
